Monthly Archives: October 2011

A Spectre is haunting Europe…

Not all parties atre the same – sorry to have missed this one… [thanks Jo]

The Student Handjob – now in bespoke perfect bound edition.

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From THIS site you can purchase the slightly more glossified covered (and somewhat renamed [original version here]) Student Handjob. I am hoping to negotiate a discount. Original version here.

Nyx, a Noctournal

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A horrifically good and brand new issue of the CCS postgrad noctournal publication Nyx was launched tonight in New Cross/Deptford, and a very fine thing it is too. You will soon be able to purchase the new issue from the website. Do be quick! NOW HERE.

Match of the Day!

http://www.facebook.com/photo.php?v=188373237844547

Deaths in Custody March on Downing Street 29 Oct 2011

Critical Support #OWS

A collection of articles in critical-support of #OWS (collected by, or at least reposted by, The Public School).

Capitalism IS crises.

Though some will say the crisis is cyclical, I think rather that entropy and disintegration is the unity, the unifying modus operandi, of Capital, not simply appearing or revealed in crisis so much as always thriving on many, multiple, and perpetual, crises. Hence the slogan ‘Capitalism IS crisis’ rings true – Capitalism as a thriving parasitic system of destruction, dysfunction and a necessarily dog-eat-dog opportunism as Gekko/Cartels/Monopolies conglomerate in the highest stage of imperialism… where Capitalism must eat its young to survive, indeed, it survives by eating its young. Whatever unity it has is that every capitalist must stab every other capitalist in the back in the end, ad infinitum.

Gotcha moment for Cameron

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The manner of Gaddafi’s death is obscene.

The associated reprisals exceed comprehension.

This was to defend Misrata – here – with a No Fly zone.

Nothing had flown for quite some time.

Enboldened, Cameron is also now poised for harsh responses in the all too civil war that is domestic politics.

Shame – the world cannot continue like this.

99 per cent or 99.9999 percent or any other fractional carve-up, we need a ruthless criticism of everything that exists in order to bring ourselves to understand what we are trying to do.

What we are trying to do is oust Cameron, and Clagg, and Millipede. Away with all gods.

One, two, many camps.

Occupy Zindabad!

The Letter to the Rube: ‘ruthless criticism of all that exists’

Just for the record, and because its worth reading again, Marx’s 8th Letter to Arnold Ruge (Sept 1843):

 

Letters from the Deutsch-Französische Jahrbücher

Marx to Ruge

Kreuznach, September 1843

I am glad that you have made up your mind and, ceasing to look back at the past, are turning your thoughts ahead to a new enterprise.[22] And so – to Paris, to the old university of philosophy – absit omen! [May it not be an ill omen] – and the new capital of the new world! What is necessary comes to pass. I have no doubt, therefore, that it will be possible to overcome all obstacles, the gravity of which I do not fail to recognise.

But whether the enterprise comes into being or not, in any case I shall be in Paris by the end of this month,[23] since the atmosphere here makes one a serf, and in Germany I see no scope at all for free activity.

In Germany, everything is forcibly suppressed; a real anarchy of the mind, the reign of stupidity itself, prevails there, and Zurich obeys orders from Berlin. It therefore becomes increasingly obvious that a new rallying point must be sought for truly thinking and independent minds. I am convinced that our plan would answer a real need, and after all it must be possible for real needs to be fulfilled in reality. Hence I have no doubt about the enterprise, if it is undertaken seriously.

The internal difficulties seem to be almost greater than the external obstacles. For although no doubt exists on the question of “Whence,” all the greater confusion prevails on the question of “Whither.” Not only has a state of general anarchy set in among the reformers, but everyone will have to admit to himself that he has no exact idea what the future ought to be. On the other hand, it is precisely the advantage of the new trend that we do not dogmatically anticipate the world, but only want to find the new world through criticism of the old one. Hitherto philosophers have had the solution of all riddles lying in their writing-desks, and the stupid, exoteric world had only to open its mouth for the roast pigeons of absolute knowledge to fly into it. Now philosophy has become mundane, and the most striking proof of this is that philosophical consciousness itself has been drawn into the torment of the struggle, not only externally but also internally. But, if constructing the future and settling everything for all times are not our affair, it is all the more clear what we have to accomplish at present: I am referring to ruthless criticism of all that exists, ruthless both in the sense of not being afraid of the results it arrives at and in the sense of being just as little afraid of conflict with the powers that be.

Therefore I am not in favour of raising any dogmatic banner. On the contrary, we must try to help the dogmatists to clarify their propositions for themselves. Thus, communism, in particular, is a dogmatic abstraction; in which connection, however, I am not thinking of some imaginary and possible communism, but actually existing communism as taught by Cabet, Dézamy, Weitling, etc. This communism is itself only a special expression of the humanistic principle, an expression which is still infected by its antithesis – the private system. Hence the abolition of private property and communism are by no means identical, and it is not accidental but inevitable that communism has seen other socialist doctrines – such as those of Fourier, Proudhon, etc. – arising to confront it because it is itself only a special, one-sided realisation of the socialist principle.

And the whole socialist principle in its turn is only one aspect that concerns the reality of the true human being. But we have to pay just as much attention to the other aspect, to the theoretical existence of man, and therefore to make religion, science, etc., the object of our criticism. In addition, we want to influence our contemporaries, particularly our German contemporaries. The question arises: how are we to set about it? There are two kinds of facts which are undeniable. In the first place religion, and next to it, politics, are the subjects which form the main interest of Germany today. We must take these, in whatever form they exist, as our point of departure, and not confront them with some ready-made system such as, for example, the Voyage en Icarie. [Etienne Cabet, Voyage en Icarie. Roman philosophique et social.]

Reason has always existed, but not always in a reasonable form. The critic can therefore start out from any form of theoretical and practical consciousness and from the forms peculiar to existing reality develop the true reality as its obligation and its final goal. As far as real life is concerned, it is precisely the political state – in all its modern forms – which, even where it is not yet consciously imbued with socialist demands, contains the demands of reason. And the political state does not stop there. Everywhere it assumes that reason has been realised. But precisely because of that it everywhere becomes involved in the contradiction between its ideal function and its real prerequisites.

From this conflict of the political state with itself, therefore, it is possible everywhere to develop the social truth. Just as religion is a register of the theoretical struggles of mankind, so the political state is a register of the practical struggles of mankind. Thus, the political state expresses, within the limits of its form sub specie rei publicae, [as a particular kind of state] all social struggles, needs and truths. Therefore, to take as the object of criticism a most specialised political question – such as the difference between a system based on social estate and one based on representation – is in no way below the hauteur des principes. [Level of principles] For this question only expresses in a political way the difference between rule by man and rule by private property. Therefore the critic not only can, but must deal with these political questions (which according to the extreme Socialists are altogether unworthy of attention). In analysing the superiority of the representative system over the social-estate system, the critic in a practical way wins the interest of a large party. By raising the representative system from its political form to the universal form and by bringing out the true significance underlying this system, the critic at the same time compels this party to go beyond its own confines, for its victory is at the same time its defeat.

Hence, nothing prevents us from making criticism of politics, participation in politics, and therefore real struggles, the starting point of our criticism, and from identifying our criticism with them. In that case we do not confront the world in a doctrinaire way with a new principle: Here is the truth, kneel down before it! We develop new principles for the world out of the world’s own principles. We do not say to the world: Cease your struggles, they are foolish; we will give you the true slogan of struggle. We merely show the world what it is really fighting for, and consciousness is something that it has to acquire, even if it does not want to.

The reform of consciousness consists only in making the world aware of its own consciousness, in awakening it out of its dream about itself, in explaining to it the meaning of its own actions. Our whole object can only be – as is also the case in Feuerbach’s criticism of religion – to give religious and philosophical questions the form corresponding to man who has become conscious of himself.

Hence, our motto must be: reform of consciousness not through dogmas, but by analysing the mystical consciousness that is unintelligible to itself, whether it manifests itself in a religious or a political form. It will then become evident that the world has long dreamed of possessing something of which it has only to be conscious in order to possess it in reality. It will become evident that it is not a question of drawing a great mental dividing line between past and future, but of realising the thoughts of the past. Lastly, it will become evident that mankind is not beginning a new work, but is consciously carrying into effect its old work.

In short, therefore, we can formulate the trend of our journal as being: self-clarification (critical philosophy) to be gained by the present time of its struggles and desires. This is a work for the world and for us. It can be only the work of united forces. It is a matter of a confession, and nothing more. In order to secure remission of its sins, mankind has only to declare them for what they actually are.

 

Plod Pods

The micro drone is not the only sci fi spin off boggling the goggles these days (its a hunter-seeker from Dune). This below, at first, I thought was a put up job. I thought it was mad enough to be a photo-shopped diss, but it seems all too true: as this story from Harlem, of course, confirms.

I was alerted to this new fold in the panoptic street-scape by Jeff Heydon, who owes us more text soon (Jeff?). And am thinking we need to watch the Star Wars films again to learn the tactics and logistics needed to topple these monsters.

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Movin’ On Up

A significant amount of my research deals with surveillance and the idea of the panoptic. That it is the current model for most first-world prison systems or that it applies to the datafication of the entire populous of the planet under the weight of the digital revolution is well established. What I find fascinating is the way in which the idea of the panoptic can indeed conform to different national cultures.New Yorkers are so often derided for being obnoxious, Starbucks-swigging, quasi-cultured faux-European poseurs that it’s genuinely nice to come across an example that indicates the Big Apple is just as capable of fusing laziness, an unnatural attachment to Star Wars (think of the AT-STs from Empire), the automobile obsession and the assertion of freedom through overt dictatorial mechanisms as the rest of the country. The following photograph, taken by an ever-vigilant friend of mine, will better illustrate my point:

What we appear to be witnessing in this instance (and, to be fair, I haven’t been thinking about this object for a very long time) is the stop-and-search equivalent of the drive-thru window. The realization that the guard tower can now be driven to the point of concern and the dynamics of the total surveillance prison can be enacted anywhere on the street adjusts our relationship with systems of power in two ways.

The first is obvious: the ability of the police to view, capture and develop a case against a citizen is mobile, technological and allows the traditional, permanently fixed globe of the CCTV camera to shift from one location to another location. The physical aspects of the city are less stable than before – our relationship with objects that indicate power no longer fits to the object/stable – human/mobile dynamic … or not as clearly as before anyway.

The second is a bit more interesting. SkyWatch (the name of the tower) offers an opening in our understanding of urbanity from a public perspective. The necessity of a tower that is mobile might function as an indication of the fallibility of a power structure that encourages us to think that it is omniscient. There is a desperation that emerges from this thing; the need to turn the urban landscape into a potential prison block at the drop of a hat might indicate to us just how much of the landscape is a permanent blind spot on the security system’s radar screen.

The use of SkyWatch is problematic at best. The option to erect a guard tower anywhere on an urban map at the whim of the police puts all of us in the position of a potential prisoner. With that in mind, it might just be how obvious this thing is that makes me chuckle at it rather than feel a genuine sense of concern. More likely, though, that’s an indication that I’m becoming far too comfortable with the sensation of being watched at all times for no good reason at all …

Talk at RUHR-UNIVERSITÄT BOCHUM December 8 2011 6pm

Join us in the streets: uprisings, riots, revolt and other square forms of organizing.

This paper examines how contemporary events are, perhaps, giving rise to new forms of participatory politics. Some of these events are recent, some emergent, and some unanticipated. They reach from the wave of public mobilisations in city squares; Tahrir, Syntagma, Madrid, Occupy Wall Street (Butler 2011) and #OccupyLSX to the use of new technologies and communications media; citizen journalism, counter-mapping, bespoke apps for organization and new activist groupings and projects (UfSO, The Paper). Topics of interest reach from the efforts to articulate rights on the part of diasporic settler groups in the UK and Germany (for example, taxi-drivers, sex-workers, and travelers in Southeast London: see Mathew 2005, Chatterton, Rees, Norman ESRC research in Leeds 2007-9); to the cultural turn of the political lobbies, from the Tea-Party in the US, the English Defense League in England, to the Bersih movement in Malaysia. These new forms – are they even new? what role do intellectual and cultural theorists possibly have, if any? – deserve attention since they occur in the context of austerity and after ten years of ‘war on terror’ – making it very interesting to see people work collectively in ways co-constitutive of better – democratic? – aspiration for change (Freire 1970, Escobar 2009). The discussion seeks to connect this emergent optimism and enthusiasm with the politics and representation of constituent groups from earlier cycles of struggle, considering vanguardism and Party politics, access issues, interests, and the critical question of comportment towards the Masses, the Rabble, the Mob, the Lumpen or the Racaille. Reference will be made to writings by Jacques Derrida, Slavoj Žižek, Susan Buck-Morss and Alain Badiou. Some preliminary materials and reading might be found here: http://hutnyk.wordpress.com/the-paper/ – recent viewing of the Kassovitz film La Haine (1995) might also be helpful.
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John Hutnyk is Professor of Cultural Studies at Goldsmiths College and author of several books including The Rumour of Calcutta (1996); Critique of Exotica (2000); Bad Marxism: Capitalism and Cultural Studies (2004); and Diaspora and Hybridity (with R.Kaur and V.Kalra 2006).
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venue detrasils: h1

Bochum 8.12.2011

Kurzfristig ist es uns noch gelungen einen weiteren Gast für unsere Veranstaltungsreihe im Wintersemester zu gewinnen. John Hutnyk wird am 08.12.2011 zum Thema Join us in the streets: uprisings, riots, revolt and other square forms of organizing sprechen. Weiter Informationen finden sich auf der Terminübersicht.

Internationalise all areas #occupylsx #occupywallst

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The Internationale in many versions:
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 Comment: Internationalise all areas
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The Internationale–Red Army Choir and Orchestra, High Quality Stereo Version!
‎”The Internationale” performed by the Red Army Choir and Orchestra. Rousing high quality stereo version! As you listen to this inspiring song, remember those…
http://youtu.be/4tDNefrtJrg
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The Internationale” conducted by Arturo Toscanini–originally BANNED
http://www.youtube.com
In 1944, to honor the Allied victory in Italy, the great Arturo Toscanini–a refugee from Fascisim in his home country–decided to conduct a performance of V…
Internationalise all areas! http://youtu.be/2OPvWFDzDlA

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Some of these clips come with pretty amazing ads added by Google – this one had, when I watched it (I imagine they are somewhat randomized) an link for a piece ‘Exposing the lies and crimes of Greenpeace’: http://youtu.be/dxqpTJRlbOE

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with Chinese politicians and military personnel
http://youtu.be/28WbSInXDPA - this one too has anti Greenpeace ads all over it. Is it just this clip or is it a targeted algorithm – as if I needed telling that Greenpeace was dodgy – from the other end of the scale though.
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Soviet October Revolution Parade, 1977 Part I Парад 7 ноября
John Hutnyk Internationalise all areas! http://youtu.be/dxqpTJRlbOE

This is the parade in Moscow’s Red Square, devoted to the 60th anniversary of th…
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The Internationale in North Korea
http://youtu.be/xa3vqgTGjsE
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North Korean girl singing The Internationale
http://youtu.be/kGNuR0ml7QA

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1 May in Cuba – The Internationale http://youtu.be/FDmSzDtkZYw
Internationalise all arias!

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International Anthem in Spanish (From land and Freedom, which I know is somewhat problematic, but… internationalize!
http://youtu.be/WJ8DhXgPjfg
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The Internationale in English
http://youtu.be/dcXNXKtu8z4
Comment John Hutnyk: internationalise all arrears!

Collected Marketing Detournements for Goldies

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‘I’m quite a fan of the Goldsmiths ad campaign. And I’m sure it’s accurately pitched at the target demographic. I have faith in #goldsmirk’.
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‘I liked this the first time round, but my critical theory course makes me think it might be a hoax. I stumble on Goldsmiths’ #goldsmirk
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‘I’d like to know just how much this marketing strategy cost. Can tell a numpty came up with it. I mither at Godlsmirths Sachs’ #goldsmirk
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‘I’m still marking dissertations from the students that left three weeks ago and the new students are already here. I slave at #goldsmirk’
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‘mummy and daddy really wanted me to go to Oxford. And I have a pony. I slum it at #goldsmirk’
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‘I’m secretly a power mad fuck, but want people to think I do good so I traded my uzi for a copy of Camera Lucida. So shoot me’. #goldsmirk
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‘Imagine there is more horatio in your dream than philosophy, and I trust I make myself obscure, at #goldsmirk’
*Update – and what a good update it is – from here:
and the Razor Award winner for Movember, after rigorous polling, goes to:
s econd prize – a free copy of the cartoon Manifesto (well, actually a link to the youtube url, but hey): 

Frankfurt 6 and 7 Dec 2011

Statement from #occupylsx

What appears to be the first statement from the London Occupation… is indeed a bit anti-theory – which I agree is strange because it comes out of a group sitting around thinking about what to do – and the demands are only an initial and somewhat abstract step towards building an alternative – yes, actually, how does one nationalize a bank?, I would very much like to see a guide for that – and yet this is wholly necessary: the effort to make something work beyond the repetitious call for ‘another world is possible’ is also here… Maybe its a bit ‘end is nigh’ in tone, and overly reliant on some ‘separate’ labour movement that will come like the cavalry to make us serious, and it flirts with the usual anarcho anti-Leninism that mistakes the British Trotskyite swamp with the Left… but on the whole, I like and welcome this and see it as an improvement on the brand-label slogans that have been our fare so far. Join us in the streets… I would put this entire text on my banner with just a few modifications – and openness to more ‘demands’ – there are always many demands – which is a good thing, no.

From now on there is only action - open letter ( via email )
Dear comrades,

From now on there is only action. The theories are nice to have – the theory
of horizontalism, of communes, of erotic revolt against the capitalist
oppression of our bodies. But the global crisis is moving fast. Whether you
are the Greek Communist Party, or UKUncut, or Anonymous, or Die Linke or
Lulzsec, or Zizek or just some gang of kids on a corner that likes one kind
of music and hates another: there is no time left for convincing others.

We have to act together.

Capitalism is about to experience a moment of breakdown. The Eurozone’s
financial system is bust: the result will be either a chaotic series of
defaults, provoking involuntary nationalisations and temporary abolition of
market forces by the ruling elite (short selling bans, bans on CDS); or we
will be saved from this by a pre-emptive abolition of the market in
sovereign debt, bank debt, credit derivatives etc.

This stark alternative explains the inaction of Merkel, Trichet, Barosso,
Lagarde: the only plan possible to pre-empt disaster is, to them, disaster:
it is the involuntary socialisation of the finance system.

We have got to this moment of mass, simultaneous, global occupation of space
in the cities of the world through a painful process.

Committed minorities put their bodies in the way of harm: from Climate Camp
to Gaza to Tahrir Square to Syntagma to Wall Street. There is a natural
feeling of jealousy, of ownership, among those who got us this far: that the
new masses being dragged onto the cold pavements do not understand the finer
points of theory, were not kettled the year before, were not part of this or
that iconic Facebook group.

But get ready for something bigger: the labour movements of the world are
grinding slowly into action. Cumbersome, slow, bureaucratic, hierarchical,
given to forming a committee to solve a problem that can be sorted out with
an iPhone. Yes. But decisive. In Greece right now, workers are doing what a
molotov cocktail cannot: stopping the printing of tax forms, stopping the
IMF delegations from even checking into their hotel rooms.

Right now the problem of the spontaneous movements, wherever they have set
up camp, is their failure to articulate with the levers of control currently
held by the rich elite. In a period before a crisis, or a period of
hopelessness, this is not a problem: creating the alternative nucleus of a
better world does not need one to get dirty in the business of the possible.
Living despite capitalism was a good idea and still is. Demanding the
impossible was, and remains, an act essential to liberate one’s mind.

But.

The crisis is going to bring the impossible onto the agenda. It will be
necessary to construct a pathway from where we are to what we want to
achieve.

Failure to connect with the levers of power, of policy, of the actual, of
the concrete always leave opposition movements open to being used as a walk
on army for the reformists: reform by riot – a division of labour by which a
kid in a hoodie goes to prison for two years and a man in a suit gains
sudden acceptance of his liberal reform plans – is as long as the history of
capitalism.

It is too late for that now.

The movement needs to have demands: not impossible ones but concrete ones.
Not schematic, drawn from the theories of various left philosophers but
based on action. The movement should combine demands, objectives, with the
new means of achieving them: where the social democrat calls for
nationalisation, the movement of the masses calls for decentralised social
ownership and takes physical control of the seized assets.

It will come down to this in practice. Soon numerous European banks are
going to go bust; maybe even some states. In some places ATMs will close.
There will be a right wing backlash: the authoritarians and the racists are
swarming to join the riot squads and the reserve military formations to get
their chance to break our heads. They will break the heads of migrants, the
oppressed; narratives of racial and religious purity will appear; narratives
of “national economic interest: dead for decades will be revived. It is
possible to live "despite capitalism"  - it is not possible to live "despite
quasi fascism": there is no space in right wing crisis capitalism for
anything - first books burn, then bodies.

In the 1930s fascism won because the workers movement and the progressive
left refused to unite in action, letting their differences –not just of
politics but of lifestyle and of historical rivalry – get in the way of
unity.

Today, with social media, instant unity is possible between a variety of
people, and it can last microseconds or long enough to take and hold a
square. The united front is replaced by the flashmob. Soon we are going to
have to take and hold banks, insurance companies, pension funds. And we are
going to have to keep the system running – the system many of us would see
destroyed – until it can be morphed, reformed, dismantled in a way that does
not smash the lives of a whole generation.

We cannot leave politics to the politicians and economics to the economists,
reserving for ourselves only the streets, the camps, the symbolic act,
hilarious graffiti and acts of kindness.

We have to deconstruct and replace both mainstream politics and economics;
we cannot become passive consumers of the alternatives offered by the “great
and good” of the liberal left. It is for the exploited and oppressed to
create these alternatives themselves.

Comrades – do not be frightened of demands. They need not dominate us or
entrap us into hierarchies or timetables from the 20th century. The can
liberate us from the role of being the opera chorus: the spear carriers with
formidable presence whose ultimate role is as warm-up act for the political
divas of Labour, social-democracy, Stalinism and Green Party politics.

I demand – and you may join me if you wish, or amend, delete, reject – the
following:

Nationalise all banks that cannot raise capital to withstand the coming
sovereign debt crisis. Break them up. Create a state guarantee for deposits
but impose 100% losses on shareholders and bondholders. Repurpose what’s
left as development banks and small scale credit for working class
communities and business loans.

Create a socialised banking system – a mixed economy of utility banks,
non-profits, ethical banks, credit unions and mutual societies.

Impose – immediately and universally across Europe and wherever possible
elsewhere – uniform minimum standards for wages, employment rights, rights
for precarious workers. Impose from below: by refusing to work without them.
This will, at a stroke,  remove the possibility of the parallel,
cheap-labour economy that has corroded social solidarity in the rich
countries and regions of Europe. Commit ourselves to a high wage, high skill
economy, with massive state spending on upskilling and education.

Once this is done, the debate on how much growth we actually want and need
is a real one. Ie, it has a real outcome, not a theoretical warm glow in our
heads.

Statism and central planning are dead, discredited. But now, too, the free
market has failed. Rationality can be imposed on the economy, but from below
as well as above, and using the state as enabler of competition, creativity
and invention, destroying forever the Hayekian objection that rationality in
economics leads to “serfdom”.

Any fiscal union for Europe must be created on terms dictated by the
workers, the poor and the oppressed, not the dim elite who fucked things up
so badly.  It will involve transfers – of taxpayers money from the north to
the south. We are sorry about this, but it will.

The prize – and the only condition for this merger – is that we create a
unified social Europe – from Iraklion to Rekyavik – where social justice is
an inalienable right, and speculation, inequality and exploitation are a
jailable offence.

Our crisis is coming. The American crisis and the Chinese crisis will not be
long following. If we do it – this continent with its 1000 year traditions
of revolt, utopianism, bloodshed and craziness – it will prove to the world
it can be done. Others will follow.

Out of these meagre tents and chickpea soup kitchens will come the new
world. There is nowhere else for it to come from.

Treasure trove of Phamperletts…

A treasure trove (nicked from Chris at 56a):

 

http://kmfreepress.wordpress.com/ has some paginated ready to print PDFS on all sorts of things:

But there are loads more at ZineLibrary.net, Zabalaza, and others places  (although not as classy as KM Free Press, of course). KM Press texts were made in InDesign with Booklet plug-in. Super easy!du

Occultural Studies

Joanna Hodge 28.11.2011

28 Nov 2011 CCS PhD seminar  special session at 5pm by Professor Joanna Hodge: ‘Jean Luc Nancy’s excription: between excess and ecstasy’ – Council Room, Laurie Grove, Ian Gulland Lecture Theatre, in solidarity with the Goldsmiths Occupation. Contact John.Hutnyk[at}gold.ac.uk

New Cross

three events of note: Goldsmiths Centre for Cultural Studies 19-20-21 Oct 2011

Haneen Maikey wednesday 19th October 2011 Queer Politics & the Palestinian Struggle: Ten Years of Activism.

A Centre for Cultural Studies and GUCU LGBTQ Society event: – Haneen Maikey, queer Palestinian activist and director of alQaws – wednesday 19th October ROOM 137A 3pm all welcome – see here.

and

Fictional Character and Digital Avatar – A talk by Prof John Frow, on 20 Oct 2011 Centre for Cultural Studies, Goldsmiths, all welcome, see here http://t.co/FYdDtdLZ

and

Death of The Champion and Savage Messiah at Goldsmiths 21.Oct.2011

Special Double Bill event: – Laura Oldfield Ford – author of Savage Messiah -

and – Ken Fero/Tariq Mehmood’s new film – Defeat of the Champion (25 mins)

- plus discussion. 21 Oct 2011 RHB Cinema see here: http://wp.me/pcKI3-19N

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